From research to impact: “Gender equality is not only a human rights issue; it is a security indicator”

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Natalia Albu, PhD. is a leading voice on Women, Peace and Security in Moldova, contributing to key strategies in the country. Photo: Courtesy of Natalia Albu, PhD.
Natalia Albu, PhD. is a leading voice on Women, Peace and Security in Moldova, contributing to key strategies in the country. Photo: Courtesy of Natalia Albu, PhD.

Natalia Albu, PhD., is an Associate Professor at the ‘Alexandru cel Bun’ Military Academy in the Republic of Moldova, and Co-founder of the Platform for Security and Defense Initiatives NGO. She helped develop the National Defense Strategy (2018), National Action Plan (NAP) for the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) for 2018–2021, and National Security Strategy (2023). She is also a member of the informal Women’s Advisory Board on Sustainable Peacebuilding in the Republic of Moldova.

1. What inspired you to bring a gender perspective into security and defense research?

When I began teaching at the Military Academy, I did not expect that I would be inspired to develop a manual on the gender dimension in the security and defense sector. Initially, through my involvement in several public policy working groups and roundtable discussions abroad, I realized that ‘security’ was treated as gender-neutral – yet in practice, men and women experience threats, conflict and institutional structures very differently, and their security needs are not the same. I saw how the absence of gender analysis created blind spots in policy design, operational planning and even peacebuilding efforts. My experience working on the NAP on UNSCR 1325 in Moldova reinforced this. I observed that when women are excluded from decision-making or peace processes, critical information about community needs, early warning signals and social dynamics is lost.

From a research perspective, I was motivated by empirical evidence: countries with higher levels of gender equality tend to be more peaceful. Gender equality is not only a human rights issue; it is a security indicator. Therefore, I chose to bring a gender perspective into security research not to simply ‘add’ women as a topic, but to improve the quality, effectiveness and relevance of security strategies. A gender perspective allows us to understand the full spectrum of risks, resources and resilience within society. For me, integrating gender is not only about equality, transparency and participation – it is about building smarter and more sustainable security.

2. How can women’s participation strengthen national security policy and practice?

From my experience working with security institutions, academia and national policy development, I’ve learned that promoting women in leadership is not only about equality – it is about strengthening the state itself. Moldova itself is a good example. As women’s political representation increased and gender-sensitive reforms were adopted, the country improved its scores on the Democracy Index, Rule of Law Index, and Corruption Perception Index. Moreover, it is not accidental that only in 2022 the Republic of Moldova finally ratified the Istanbul Convention in Parliament. This moment was the result of a shift in political will driven by the increased presence of women in decision-making.

3. What more can be done to bring women into leadership roles in security institutions?

When we analysed the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in Moldova, we discovered that the main obstacles to women’s leadership were not individual weaknesses but systemic barriers: rigid institutional cultures, lack of inclusive policies, limited access to decision-making roles and persistent stereotypes that security is a ‘male domain’. Therefore, the first step must be structural change – transparent promotion processes, leadership development programmes, gender-sensitive human rights systems and real accountability against discrimination or harassment.

But structural reform alone is not enough. We also need cultural transformation. Traditional models of ‘masculine leadership’ in security sectors prioritize hierarchy and physical strength, but modern security threats – hybrid warfare, disinformation, societal polarization, refugee crises – require different leadership qualities: emotional intelligence, negotiation skills, community trust, preventive thinking and strategic communication. These are not ‘female’ traits – but effective leadership traits. When institutions understand that diversity improves performance, they stop perceiving women as exceptions and start seeing them as strategic assets.

4. In your view, what makes the WPS agenda relevant for Moldova?

For Moldova, the WPS agenda is no longer a symbolic or ‘soft’ policy – it has become a strategic necessity. We live in a security environment defined by war on our border, hybrid threats, disinformation, energy insecurity, social polarization, migration pressures and the presence of unresolved conflicts such as Transnistria. In such a complex environment, traditional military responses alone are not enough. Security today is not only about defending territory – it is also about protecting people, building resilience and maintaining the legitimacy of the state. And this is exactly what the WPS agenda offers.

Moreover, the WPS agenda directly supports democracy, good governance and European integration. This is particularly important for Moldova, as the European Union (EU) accession process requires the transformation of institutions, the protection of human rights, gender equality, rule of law and the inclusion of society in decision-making. Therefore, the WPS agenda is not only a moral or normative obligation – it is a strategic requirement. By implementing WPS, we demonstrate that Moldova is building modern, democratic, transparent and resilient security institutions capable of protecting all its citizens.

5. How can the next NAP be more effective in achieving real impact?

In the first NAP, we made important progress: we raised awareness, we opened conversations, we identified barriers and we built some inclusive mechanisms. But we also learned that good intentions are not enough if actions are not funded, coordinated or measured. We saw that without leadership and accountability, plans stay on paper. The second NAP on WPS is in the mid-stage of implementation, yet it has already demonstrated stronger institutional engagement, improved cooperation with civil society and international partners, and the establishment of coordination mechanisms. However, an independent monitoring report shows that progress remains uneven due to limited national funding, coordination gaps, and persistent structural and cultural barriers, particularly at the local level.

That is why the next NAP must be more localized, strategic and results-oriented, while also incorporating the lessons learned from implementing previous NAPs. For me, effectiveness starts with clarity: every objective should have concrete indicators, clearly responsible institutions and dedicated resources. But beyond structure, we need ownership. The WPS agenda cannot remain a project driven only by donors or a single leading institution – it must be integrated into national defense reform, EU accession processes, crisis management and institutional development. When WPS becomes part of how we define security, rather than an “add-on,” it gains real power.

I also believe the next NAP must invest in leadership and institutional capacity, not just activities. We need trained gender advisers who are part of the decision-making chain, not symbolic figures. We need leaders – men and women – who understand that inclusive security is more effective security. And we need to create spaces where women are not just participants, but shapers of strategy.


This story is published as part of "The Past, Present, and Future of Women, Peace, and Security" campaign, commemorating the 25th anniversary of UNSCR 1325, to celebrate the power of peace. The campaign aims to foster a deeper dialogue on equality, justice and peace, honoring the legacies and amplifying the voices of 25 trailblazing women from across Europe and Central Asia whose significant contributions have transformed their communities, societies, and beyond. The content reflects the personal views and experiences of the author(s) and does not necessarily represent the official position of UN Women, its partners, or the United Nations.